August 27, 2026

Russia's Belarusian Echo


Russia's Belarusian Echo
Russian President Vladimir Putin and Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko in 2024. Kremlin.ru, Wikimedia Commons.

Belarusian state and pro-government media have moved closer to Russian propaganda in recent years, adopting Kremlin narratives about Russia's War on Ukraine, external threats, and the "collective West." In early 2026, according to independent outlet Vot Tak, Russian-produced programs or shows featuring Russians made up about 60% of Belarusian television’s evening prime time.

Russian involvement in Belarusian state media was already visible during the 2020 post-election protests. After strikes and resignations depleted state newsrooms, Kremlin-backed Russia Today journalists and technical staff arrived in Minsk, producing content and assisting local broadcasters. Lukashenko later publicly thanked RT personnel for their support.

The shift accelerated after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Russian forces used Belarusian territory in the 2022 assault, and Russia later deployed tactical nuclear weapons in Belarus.

Belarusian state media now portray Russia as Minsk’s closest ally, a major economic partner and a "brotherly" country linked by culture and history. They also frame the alliance as a joint defense against the "hybrid war of the collective West."

Media analyst and Media IQ editor-in-chief Nadezhda Belokhvostik told Vot Tak that Russian war narratives entered Belarusian coverage almost immediately after the war began in February 2022. Terms such as "denazification" and other Kremlin justifications for the invasion became common.

Before 2022, she said, Belarusian state media covered the Donbas war more cautiously, including stories about Ukrainian refugees, and avoided Russian labels such as "Nazis."

Since the full-scale invasion, Belarusian propaganda has routinely called Ukraine’s government "illegitimate" and "fascist," referred to "Nazism" in Kyiv and repeated claims that NATO wants to fight "to the last Ukrainian."

Still, Belarusian propaganda is not a copy of Russia’s, said Andrei Bastunets, chair of the Belarusian Association of Journalists.

One difference is tone. Russian propaganda promotes militarism; Belarusian state media instead stress fear of war and depict Belarus as peaceful, with President Alexander Lukashenko presented as the guarantor of peace. Pro-government Telegram channels and news sites credit Lukashenko with keeping Belarusian skies "clean and peaceful" and preventing "funerals like in Ukraine."

That image coexists with support for military buildup. ONT ("All-National TV") has described Russian nuclear weapons in Belarus as necessary protection from NATO. 

Coverage of Russian-occupied Ukrainian territories has also converged with Moscow’s. Belarus has not formally recognized them as Russian, but state reporters regularly visit, report from the Russian side, and use Russian terminology. Belokhvostik said such reporting also reinforces a domestic message: appreciate the peace we have in Belarus.

Minsk and Moscow also reject accusations that Ukrainian children were unlawfully removed from Russian-occupied areas, describing the transfers as rescues from war.

A source familiar with the situation told Vot Tak that Russia is planning media projects disguised as Polish and Lithuanian outlets to push Kremlin narratives in Belarus while appearing independent. The source said they may be allowed to voice limited criticism of Lukashenko in order to build credibility.

Pavel Latushko said Russian influence on Belarusian propaganda has reached a critically high level. Belokhvostik said further expansion will depend on the war and broader political conditions.

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